
Q: You've argued that the precariat is a class in
development. Can you briefly explain the emergence of the precariat?
A: It is a class-in-the-making, not yet a
class-for-itself. What this means, in brief, is that it consists of a growing
number of people, in millions, who are experiencing a similar set of
experiences – insecurity, providing what is called flexible, precarious labour
without any secure rights or having a sense of occupational identity – without
yet realising a common sense of collective interest in overcoming the
insecurity around a common vision of what sort of Good Society they would want
to see replacing the current circumstances.
Q: During the era of neoliberalism there has been a
commodification of education, a retrenchment of the social welfare state and a
general absence of effective ameliorative strategies that enhance the position
of young people in labour markets. Overall, has there been a strategic
abandonment of young people on the part of governments as a result of
neoliberal policy?
A: There has been a
general abandonment of the need for social and economic security for ordinary
people. The vast majority of us, as human beings, want and need basic security.
Without it, we are at risk of impoverishment, and as a result we can easily
lose our sense of empathy with other people. The commodification of education
in those circumstances has given young people a false message. The view has
been that if young people improve their “human capital”, they will gain higher
incomes and have access to a fantastic career. But this is a false prospectus,
if the market system is merely generating a small number of big winners
alongside a growing number of jobs for the precariat. All the human capital
agenda is doing is mass producing graduates with pieces of paper called degrees
or diplomas, at horrifying cost in terms of payments made and debts incurred.
There is an education bubble about to break. It will make the sub-prime housing
bubble seem just one of several to hit our economies. Student debt in the
United States has multiplied sevenfold in the past decade and is likely to continue
to rise. Abandonment? You can say so.
Q: One of poignant arguments you've made is that
the development of the precariat is associated with a lack of social memory, no
reciprocity and no shadow of the future. What do you feel are the impacts
stemming from the rise of the precariatized mind on the psychology of the
current generation of young people?
A: The precariatised
mind – and precariousness in general – creates fear and loss of hope. Youth who
lose hope may easily lose interest in the political process, which would be
wrong. We need to struggle for a much better type of society. Disengagement
might be understandable, but it is the worst scenario. We must forge a new form
of political engagement. This is one of the main messages the book tries to
provide. Youth has always led society with its imagination and energy. If we
want a better ecology, less inequality and a revival of the commons, youth must
revive a conscious commitment to social and political action.
Q: There appears to be a compelling narrative
between labour market flexibility (e.g. wage system, functional and numerical),
intergenerational equity and the deteriorating prospects for young people. Are
young people facing a poverty trap in advanced economies?
A: They face a huge poverty trap, combined with what
the book calls a precarity trap. Young people on the edge of the labour market
face what is in effect much, much higher marginal tax rates than people in the
salariat or the elite would regard as tolerable. Youth should take the trouble
to learn why that is happening and how it is happening.
Q: Over the past ten months there has been a lot of
social unrest from youth (e.g. the Arab Spring, Occupy Wall Street,
anti-austerity riots in Greece, the London riots). Do you see a long-term
movement emerging from these events that could bring about new redistributive
strategies?
A: Yes and no. It is up to us all, young and old. The
events of this year have been wonderful and they have been promising. They have
been the actions of primitive rebels, which means they have brought together
many people who see what they are against. But there is not yet a common vision
of what is needed. That is the next stage. Those participating in the events
this year must develop a coherent, feasible strategy and engage politically to
put it into practice.
Q: What sort of redistributive strategies do you
propose for addressing the social and economic inequities that presently
exist?
A: As I argue in the book, and
as our network BIEN has been arguing, the first policy we should struggle to
understand and to achieve is a basic income. We need to ensure that everybody
in society has basic economic security as a human right. I urge your readers to
look up the BIEN website and to join us as lifetime members. You will find that
we are beginning to have real success in some unlikely places in the world. We
need to make sure that translates into success inside the United States as well.
It would not be a panacea. However, it must be an integral part of a
redistributive strategy, as long as it was combined with other institutional
changes and a revival of collective action. To be young is to have no baggage.
In other words, it is the time of life to reject despair and cynicism. Join us.
The journey is part of the fun. And being on it lifts the spirit and the
chin.
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